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From:levine@haas.berkeley.edu
To:e201b-1@haas.berkeley.edu, e201b-2@haas.berkeley.edu
Subject:Fwd: FRBSF: Economic Letter (01/29/1999)
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Date:Mon, 29 Nov 1999 12:02:00 -0800 (PST)

<
<
< Dr. Levine:
< I found this article quite useful in understanding the evolution of
< the U.S. monetary policy. Do you think this is appropriate for the
< entire class?
< Thanks,
<
< -Jay Iyer
<
< http://www.frbsf.org/econrsrch/wklyltr/wklyltr99/el99-04.html
<
<
< Economic Research
<
<
<
<
<
<
< FRBSF Economic Letter
<
<
<
<
<
<
< Number 99-04; January 29, 1999
<
<
<
<
<
< ----------
<
< <../index.htm<Economic Letter Index
<
< The Goals of U.S. Monetary Policy
< * The evolution of the Fed's legislative mandate
< * The debate about the Fed's current mandate
< * References
<
< ----------
< The Federal Reserve has seen its legislative mandate for monetary policy
< change several times since its founding in 1913, when macroeconomic policy
as
< such was not clearly understood. The most recent revisions were in 1977 and
< 1978, and they require the Fed to promote both price stability and full
< employment. The past changes in the mandate appear to reflect both economic
< events in the U.S. and advances in understanding how the economy functions.
< In the twenty years since the Fed's mandate was last changed, there have
been
< further important economic developments as well as refinements in economic
< thought, and these raise the issue of whether to modify the goals for U.S.
< monetary policy once again. Indeed, a number of other countries--notably
< those that adopted the Euro as a common curency at the start of this
< year--have accepted price stability as the new primary goal for their
< monetary policies.
<
< In this Letter, we spell out the evolution of the legislation governing U.S.
< monetary policy goals and summarize the debate about whether they could be
< improved.
<
< The evolution of the Fed's legislative mandate
<
< The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 did not incorporate any macroeconomic goals
< for monetary policy, but instead required the Fed to "provide an elastic
< currency." This meant that the Fed should help the economy avoid the
< financial panics and bank runs that plagued the 19th century by serving as a
< "lender of last resort," which involved making loans directly to depository
< institutions through the discount windows of the Reserve Banks. During this
< early period, most of the actions of monetary policy that affected the macro
< economy were determined by the U.S. government's adherence to the gold
< standard.
<
< The trauma of the Great Depression, coupled with the insights of Keynes
< (1936), led to an acknowledgment of the obligation of the federal government
< to prevent recessions. The Employment Act of 1946 was the first legislative
< statement of these macroeconomic policy goals. Although it did not
< specifically mention the Federal Reserve, it required the federal government
< in general to foster "conditions under which there will be afforded useful
< employment opportunities ... for those able, willing, and seeking to work,
< and to promote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power."
<
< The Great Inflation of the 1970s was the next major U.S. economic
< dislocation. This problem was addressed in a 1977 amendment to the Federal
< Reserve Act, which provided the first explicit recognition of price
stability
< as a national policy goal. The amended Act states that the Fed "shall
< maintain long run growth of the monetary and credit aggregates commensurate
< with the economy's long run potential to increase production, so as to
< promote effectively the goals of maximum employment, stable prices, and
< moderate long-term interest rates." The goals of "stable prices" and
< "moderate long-term interest rates" are related because nominal interest
< rates are boosted by a premium over real rates equal to expected future
< inflation. Thus, "stable prices" will typically produce long-term interest
< rates that are "moderate."
<
< The objective of "maximum" employment remained intact from the 1946
< Employment Act; however, the interpretation of this term may have changed
< during the intervening 30 years. Immediately after World War II, when
< conscription and price controls had produced a high-pressure economy with
< very low unemployment in the U.S., some perhaps believed that the goal of
< "maximum" employment could be taken in its mathematical sense to mean the
< highest possible level of employment. However, by the second half of the
< 1970s, it was well understood that some "frictional" unemployment, which
< involves the search for new jobs and the transition between occupations, is
a
< necessary accompaniment to the proper functioning of the economy in the long
< run.
<
< This understanding went hand in hand in the latter half of the 1970s with a
< general acceptance of the Natural Rate Hypothesis, which implies that if
< policy were to try to keep employment above its long-run trend permanently
< or, equivalently, the unemployment rate below its natural rate, then
< inflation would be pushed higher and higher. Policy can temporarily
reduce the
< unemployment rate below its natural rate or, equivalently, boost employment
< above its long-run trend. However, persistently attempting to maintain
< "maximum" employment that is above its long-run level would not be
consistent
< with the goal of stable prices.
<
< Thus, in order for maximum employment and stable prices to be mutually
< consistent goals, maximum employment should be interpreted as meaning
maximum
< sustainable employment, referred to also as "full employment." Moreover,
< although the Fed has little if any influence on the long-run level of
< employment, it can attempt to smooth out short-run fluctuations.
Accordingly,
< promoting full employment can be interpreted as a countercyclical monetary
< policy in which the Fed aims to smooth out the amplitude of the business
< cycle.
<
< This interpretation of the Fed's mandate was later confirmed in the
< Humphrey-Hawkins legislation. As its official title--the Full Employment and
< Balanced Growth Act of 1978--clearly implies, this legislation mandates the
< federal government generally to "...promote full employment and production,
< increased real income, balanced growth, a balanced Federal budget, adequate
< productivity growth, proper attention to national priorities, achievement of
< an improved trade balance . . . and reasonable price stability..." (italics
< added).
<
< Besides clarifying the general goal of full employment, the Humphrey-Hawkins
< Act also specified numerical definitions or targets. The Act specified two
< initial goals: an unemployment rate of 4% for full employment and a CPI
< inflation rate of 3% for price stability. These were only "interim" goals to
< be achieved by 1983 and followed by a further reduction in inflation to 0%
by
< 1988; however, the disinflation policies during this period were not to
< impede the achievement of the full-employment goal. Thereafter, the
timetable
< to achieve or maintain price stability and full employment was to be defined
< by each year's Economic Report of the President.
<
< The debate about the Fed's current mandate
<
< The Fed then has two main legislated goals for monetary policy: promoting
< full employment and promoting stable prices. With this mandate, the Fed has
< helped foster the exceptional performance of the U.S. economy during the
past
< decade. Still, some have argued that the Fed's mandate could be improved,
< especially in looking ahead to future attempts to maintain or
< institutionalize recent low inflation. Much discussion has centered on two
< topics: the transparency of the goals and their dual nature.
<
< The transparency of goals refers to the extent to which the objectives of
< monetary policy are clearly defined and can be easily and obviously
< understood by the public. The goal of full employment will never be very
< transparent because it is not directly observed but only estimated by
< economists with limited precision. For example, the 1997 Economic Report of
< the President (which has authority in this matter from the Humphrey-Hawkins
< Act) gives a range of 5 to 6% for the unemployment rate consistent with full
< employment, with a midpoint of 5.5%. Research suggests that there is a very
< wide range of uncertainty around any estimate of the natural rate, with one
< prominent study finding a 95% probability that it falls in the wide range of
< 4 to 7-1/2 % (see Walsh 1998).
<
< Price stability as a goal is also subject to some ambiguity. Recent economic
< analysis has uncovered systematic biases, say, on the order of 1 percentage
< point, in the CPI's measurement of inflation (see Motley 1997). In this
case,
< actual price stability would be consistent with measured inflation of 1%. In
< addition, at any point in time, different price indexes register different
< rates of inflation. Over the past year, for example, the CPI has risen about
< 1-1/2%, while the GDP price index has risen about 1%. Still, a transparent
< price stability goal could be specified as a precise numerical growth rate
< (or range) for a particular index (which could take into account any
biases).
< However, economists have also suggested other ways to enhance the
< transparency of policy. For example, publishing medium-term inflation
< forecasts might help to clarify the direction of policy (Rudebusch and Walsh
< 1998). Because the central bank has some control over inflation in the
medium
< term, its forecasts would contain an indication of where it wanted inflation
< to go.
<
< A second recent proposed modification to the Fed's goals involves focusing
to
< a larger extent on price stability and de-emphasizing business cycle
< stabilization. Some economists have argued that having dual goals will lead
< to an inflation bias despite the Fed's best attempts to control inflation.
< This argument stresses that the temptation to engineer gains in output in
the
< short run will overcome the central bank's desire to control inflation in
the
< long run. As a result of elevated inflation expectations of the public,
< inflation will end up being higher than the central bank intended, despite
< its best efforts. This "time-inconsistency" argument, as economists call it,
< coupled with the pain incurred in the 1970s as inflation skyrocketed and in
< the early 1980s as inflation was reduced to moderate levels, persuaded many
< that the primary goal of the central bank should be to stabilize prices.
<
< This view is embodied in the charter for the central bank in the new
European
< Monetary Union: "The primary objective of the European System of Central
< Banks is to maintain price stability. Without prejudice to the objective of
< price stability, the ESCB shall support the general economic policies in the
< Community." Among these latter policies are "a high level of employment" and
< "a balanced development of economic activities."
<
< Economists remain divided on the importance of the time inconsistency
problem
< and on the need to put primary emphasis on price stability at the expense of
< output stabilization. Some stress the fact that the central bank is the only
< entity that can guarantee price stability, and that this goal is not likely
< to be attained for long unless price stability is designated as the primary
< goal. Others find the arguments for time inconsistency implausible because
< policymakers, who are aware of the arguments about an inflationary bias and
< see the implications for inflation, can conduct policy without an
< inflationary bias (McCallum 1995). Still others argue that the abdication of
< other goals is irresponsible (Fuhrer 1997). Also, a good deal of empirical
< research using simulations of models of the U.S. economy suggests that a
< focus on dual goals can reduce the variance of real GDP (i.e., smooth the
< business cycle) while achieving an inflation goal as well (Rudebusch and
< Svensson 1998).
<
< While these issues are not yet resolved, the experience of the past two
< decades provides some support to those who think dual goals that lack
< transparency can function successfully. It is true that some countries
around
< the world have reduced inflation over this period while putting primary
< emphasis on explicit inflation targeting. But at the same time, with its
< current legislative mandate, the Fed also has had success in reducing
< inflation, while maintaining the flexibility of responding to business cycle
< conditions.
<
< John P. Judd
< Vice President and Associate
< Director of Research
<
< Glenn D. Rudebusch
< Research Officer
< References
<
< Fuhrer, Jeffrey C. 1997. "Central Bank Independence and Inflation Targeting:
< Monetary Policy Paradigms for the Next Millennium?" New England Economic
< Review January/February, pp.20-36.
< Keynes, John Maynard. 1936. The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and
< Money. Harcourt, Brace, and Company: New York.
<
< McCallum, Bennett. 1995. "Two Fallacies Concerning Central Bank
< Independence." American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings, vol. 85,
no. 2
< (May), pp. 207-211.
<
< Motley, Brian. 1997. "Bias in the CPI: Roughly Wrong or Precisely Wrong."
< <../el97-16.htm<FRBSF Economic Letter<../el97-16.htm< 97-16 (May 23).
<
< Rudebusch, Glenn D., and Lars E.O. Svensson. 1998.
< <http://www.iies.su.se/data/home/leosven/papers/rs.pdf<;"Policy Rules for
< Inflation Targeting." NBER Working Paper 6512.
<
< Rudebusch Glenn D., and Carl E. Walsh. 1998. "U.S. Inflation Targeting: Pro
< and Con." <../wklyltr98/el98-18.htm<FRBSF Economic
< Letter<../wklyltr98/el98-18.htm< 98-18 (May 29).
<
< Walsh, Carl E. 1998. "The Natural Rate, NAIRU, and Monetary Policy."
< <../wklyltr98/el98-28.htm<FRBSF Economic Letter
< <../wklyltr98/el98-28.htm<98-28 (September 18).
<
< ----------
< Opinions expressed in this newsletter do not necessarily reflect the views
of
< the management of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or of the Board
< of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Editorial comments may be
< addressed to the editor or to the author. Mail comments to:
<<
<< Research Department
<< Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
<< P.O. Box 7702
<< San Francisco, CA 94120
<
<

David I. Levine Associate professor
Haas School of Business ph: 510/642-1697
University of California fax: 510/643-1420
Berkeley CA 94720-1900 email:
levine@haas.berkeley.edu
http://web.haas.berkeley.edu/www/levine/