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Subject:Great Yergin Piece -- Washington Post Op-Ed
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Date:Fri, 16 Mar 2001 02:51:00 -0800 (PST)



Sue Mara
Enron Corp.
Tel: (415) 782-7802
Fax:(415) 782-7854
----- Forwarded by Susan J Mara/NA/Enron on 03/16/2001 10:50 AM -----

"Daniel Douglass" <Douglass@ArterHadden.com<
03/16/2001 10:43 AM

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Subject: Fwd: CA Power Crisis -- Washington Post Op-Ed

A great op-ed piece from Daniel Yergin.

Dan
----- Message from "David Haarmeyer" <dhaarmeyer@CERA.com< on Fri, 16 Mar
2001 11:56:07 -0500 -----
To: "'Bill Burke'" <wburke@iapartners.com<, "'Dan Donoghue'"
<dan.donoghue@stoneweb.com<, "'Dan Douglass'" <douglass@arterhadden.com<,
"'Dan Sullivan'" <daniel.sullivan@stoneweb.com<, "'Harald Jensen'"
<hjensen@enron.com<, "'Henri Fouda'" <henri_fouda@putnaminv.com<, "'Ikram
Elloumi'" <ielloumi@aol.com<, "'Lee Marc Wolman'" <leemarcg@aol.com<,
"'Marsha Lin'" <mrlin@netzero.net<, "'Ron Daigle'" <rcdaigle@wellmanage.com<,
"'rmcwhinney@aol.com'" <rmcwhinney@aol.com<
Subject: CA Power Crisis -- Washington Post Op-Ed


-----Original Message-----
From: Kari Paakaula
Sent: Friday, March 16, 2001 10:11 AM
To: NAEP Team
Subject: Washington Post Op-Ed
California in the Dark
By Lawrence Makovich and Daniel Yergin
Friday, March 16, 2001; Page A21
The common diagnosis of California's electric power debacle is wrong. The
state is not suffering from deregulation. Rather, it is afflicted by a
strange mutant ailment -- partial deregulation and now partial reregulation
-- that has produced a flawed market. California designed a market that
disconnected customers from prices and, at the same time, made it neither
profitable nor possible to build a new power plant. The result is a serious
power shortage.
Instead of fixing these flaws, the current policies from Sacramento are
moving California down the road to an expensive public power setup and higher
prices for consumers and businesses. And the shortage is going to get worse
this summer. Under typical weather conditions, the state could face as much
as a 10 percent shortfall in electric power during summer peak demand, which
will mean severe emergency conditions and periods of blackouts. The effect is
likely to be a big shock not only to the economy of California and to the
rest of the interconnected West but also to the bruised national economy.
Unlike other states that have successfully deregulated over the past few
years, California has made three crucial mistakes since the mid-1990s, when
restructuring of the power industry began.
The first is the political unwillingness to allow consumers to see real price
signals. The so-called "wholesale price" -- what utilities pay to generating
companies -- has been decontrolled, but the price consumers pay to the
utilities has not. Consumer prices are remain at 1996 levels, and Gov. Gray
Davis has promised to hold to his pledge of no rate increase. Although the
price of natural gas, which is used to make a large and rapidly growing share
of electricity in California, has increased dramatically, consumers would not
know that from their bills. Nor would they know that rain and snowfall
levels, on which California critically depends for hydropower, are at low
levels. As a result, the utilities have been in the perverse position of
selling power to their customers at much lower rates than they are buying
power from generators. That is why the utilities are now $13 billion in the
hole and teetering on bankruptcy.
Instead of letting customers see higher prices that reflect the realities of
supply and demand -- and then act accordingly -- the state is going to use
their tax money to advertise conservation. But 25 years of experience
demonstrates that promoting conservation without price signals is not very
successful. Instead of paying through their bills, Californians will be
paying through their taxes for various measures that will enable politicians
to say that they prevented electric power rates from going up.
As California drains electricity from its neighbors, residents of those
states are seeing their power bills go up by 30 percent or more. We calculate
that if rates in California rose by just 20 percent, a third of the shortage
could disappear in a matter of months. But instead, the state has embarked on
a course of passing higher costs along to consumers in neighboring states and
leaving the major bill to be paid by Californians themselves in decades to
come.
The second mistake in California is a failure to charge customers for
"capacity." Electricity, unlike other commodities, cannot be stored. If there
is a shortage of telephone equipment, the result is a busy signal --
frustrating but survivable. But when it comes to electric power, the
equivalent of a busy signal is a blackout, and that is unacceptable. Thus, a
well-functioning power system needs to pay generators to maintain adequate
capacity. That includes a reserve of capacity about 15 percent above expected
demand to cope with the unexpected -- whether it's a heat wave, a sudden
surge in economic growth or breakdowns in aging power plants. In contrast to
other states, California's scheme did not provide any incentive for
generating companies to add new capacity and maintain that kind of reserve.
The third mistake is the creation of monumental obstacles to siting and
granting permits to new facilities. California is one of the most difficult
places on earth to build a new power plant. The environmental permit process,
in contrast to other states, is complex, cumbersome and deeply discouraging
to would-be investors. Companies will spend three or four years to get
approval after approval -- and then find their proposal shot down by yet
another local group.
As a result of all this, no major new plants have been built in the state in
the past 10 years. Meanwhile, the California economy grew 29 percent over the
past five years. In the same time, its electricity consumption increased by
24 percent. The result was inevitable -- a shortage.
California is on the verge of making three more mistakes in dealing with the
power crisis. First, the state is signing badly designed long-term contracts
for electricity in the midst of a shortage. California cannot simply finance
the crisis forever into the future. This summer is likely to generate
billions of dollars in additional uncollected wholesale power charges, which
now appear likely to be on the state's books, to be paid over an untold
number of years.
The second mistake is the plan for a state takeover of the transmission wires
to provide a multibillion-dollar cash infusion into the state's three biggest
utilities in order to temporarily hold bankruptcy at bay. The prospect of the
state -- now the largest power purchaser in the market -- controlling the
physical infrastructure necessary for market interactions will have a
chilling effect on power investment. As a result, the state could well end up
having to assume the role of building new power plants in the future.
Third, a market breakdown this summer would add enormously to the pressure
for price caps on wholesale power. But even "temporary" price caps, because
of uncertainty over their duration and effect, would slow rather than
encourage new investment. Unfortunately, the state's current plans and
proposals divert attention from ways of fixing the problem and have
California on the path to an expensive and expansive public power authority.
The priority need is, first, to move very quickly to increase supply and
reduce demand, and to do so now, while the coming big shock is still a few
months away. Second, the flaws in the market should be fixed, taking
advantage of the positive lessons of deregulation from other parts of the
country. But that won't happen without political will -- and a surge of
realism.
Lawrence Makovich, senior director of Cambridge Energy Research Associates,
and Daniel Yergin, chairman, are co-authors of "Beyond California's Power
Crisis: Impact, Solutions, and Lessons."
, 2001 The Washington Post Company